The president's teleprompter operator bet on his speech content. The president's stock trades line up with his social media posts. And now the president's social media platform is selling real-time data to Wall Street. This is not a coincidence. It is a business model.
"The White House has extremely strict ethical guidelines with respect to issues like this."
— Karoline Leavitt, White House Press Secretary, after Trump's teleprompter operator was caught betting on the contents of Trump's speeches
The White House has a teleprompter operator. His name is Gabriel Perez, and for the last decade he has been one of the people closest to Donald Trump during public appearances. He sees the president's prepared remarks before anyone else in the government. He takes last-minute edits directly from Trump himself. He has, according to ABC News, been negotiating with federal regulators to settle allegations that he used that access to win more than $100,000 on prediction markets.
Perez is not an outsider who hacked into something. He was paid $175,000 a year as a deputy assistant to the president, and his job was literally to feed Trump the words he would say to the nation. On the prediction market platform Kalshi, he placed bets on "mention markets" that wagered on whether specific words or phrases would appear in Trump's speeches. He allegedly did this for more than a dozen speeches, going back to at least Trump's December 2025 year-end address.
Kalshi froze approximately $90,000 of his winnings and banned him from the platform. The Commodity Futures Trading Commission is in settlement talks with Perez, who has been placed on unpaid administrative leave. The Department of Justice reportedly declined to open a criminal investigation.
Translation: the person whose job was to control what the president said to the country was quietly gambling on exactly what the president would say, and the punishment is giving back his profits.
The Perez case is not an isolated incident. It is one node in a system where access to Trump's communications has become a tradable asset.
On the same day the Perez story broke, Axios reported that Trump Media and Technology Group is launching "Truth API," a product that will sell real-time access to Truth Social data to banks and financial traders. Interim CEO Kevin McGurn told Axios the company expects this to become a "meaningful source of revenue" and that the product will create "a lot of friction" for firms that have been scraping the data for free.
Consider what this means: Trump's own social media platform will charge financial institutions for privileged, low-latency access to his posts. Posts that routinely move markets. Posts about tariffs, regulatory actions, government contracts, and international negotiations. The president's personal communications will be a premium data feed, and the company that profits from selling it is owned by the president's family.
McGurn's justification was blunt. "Markets already move on Truth Social posts," he said. The implication is that if the markets are going to react to the president's words anyway, the company might as well charge for the information.
This is the financialization of presidential speech, and it is happening under the banner of free enterprise.
CNN published an analysis on July 16 that documented more than 20 instances in which Trump promoted specific companies on Truth Social shortly after his portfolio had purchased stock in those firms. The analysis covered Nvidia, Tesla, GE Aerospace, Eli Lilly, Apple, RTX, Boeing, Northrop Grumman, American Eagle Outfitters, and others. On April 8, 2025, Trump's accounts made 327 individual stock purchases heavily concentrated in technology companies. The next day, he announced a 90-day pause on sweeping tariffs. The resulting market rally was one of the largest single-day gains in American history. His April 8 purchases alone may have appreciated by as much as $1.2 million in one day.
Trump's financial disclosures show more than 21,000 securities transactions during 2025, an extraordinary volume for a sitting president. His assets are not in a blind trust. They are in discretionary accounts managed by third parties, with his son Don Jr. serving as trustee. This means Trump can know what his portfolio is buying and selling. Every president going back at least five decades who held individual stocks used a blind trust. Trump chose not to.
Sen. Ed Markey, who helped author the Insider Trading and Securities Fraud Enforcement Act of 1988, wrote that Trump "may have finally crossed a line that even the presidency cannot erase." Markey noted that insider trading carries up to 20 years in federal prison, millions in criminal fines, and civil penalties of up to three times the profits earned.
The DOJ is led by Trump's former criminal defense attorney. There is no institutional mechanism for an impartial investigation.
The broader ecosystem around this is worth examining. Prediction markets have exploded. During the Iran war, traders placed more than $500 million in bets on whether the war would start, and $950 million on oil price movements, according to Truthout reporting. The White House sent a memo in March warning staff against using nonpublic information to place bets on Kalshi and Polymarket, calling it a "criminal offense." The memo stated that misusing government information "is a very serious offense and will not tolerate."
The Department of Justice has charged at least two people for prediction market abuse: a U.S. Army special forces soldier who allegedly made $400,000 by betting on the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, and a Google software engineer accused of making $1.2 million using internal company data. Both pleaded not guilty.
Meanwhile, Craig Holman, government affairs lobbyist at Public Citizen, told Common Dreams that the CFTC has "let the prediction market industry operate like the Wild West." He pointed to "a small handful of anonymous bettors" who placed very large bets moments before major events like the Iran invasion and the Venezuela operation, "scoring millions in profits." The timing and accuracy, he said, "strongly suggest insider trading, probably by a few individuals in the know within the Trump administration."
The NYT reported in May that the Trump administration has stacked the CFTC with industry insiders who have systematically sidelined staffers interested in overseeing prediction markets.
Translation: the regulator tasked with preventing insider trading has been staffed by people who have no interest in doing that job.
There is an aesthetic to all of this that is worth sitting with. The president's teleprompter operator bets on the president's words. The president's social media company sells those words to Wall Street at premium speed. The president's stock portfolio moves in tandem with his posts. The regulator that could stop it is packed with industry allies. And the president himself has earned an estimated $2.2 billion during his first year back in office, including $1.4 billion from cryptocurrency dealings.
When White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said the White House has "extremely strict ethical guidelines" about this kind of behavior, she was describing a standard that exists nowhere in Trump's own financial arrangements. The strictness is reserved for the $175,000-a-year staffer. It does not extend to the person who sets tariff policy, launches wars, and owns the platform that sells the news.
The system is not broken. It is working exactly as it was designed.
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