The man who built Trump's digital war machine now runs a foreign government's influence operation through one of America's largest conservative media networks, and nobody listening to Dennis Prager knows it.


"We are a mission-driven organization focused on combating anti-Semitism and strengthening public understanding of Israel as America's closest ally in the Middle East."

— Job posting from Jackson Parker, a firm co-founded by Brad Parscale and billionaire Tim Dunn

The FARA filing says nothing about what happens after the AI chatbot finishes its conversation. It does not describe the moment when an American who has never visited Gaza receives a text message from an organization called "Allies for Peace" that does not exist, gets steered to a video claiming the suffering in Gaza is manufactured, and then sees that same narrative echoed on their favorite conservative radio show later that afternoon.

The filing says only that Clock Tower X LLC, owned by Brad Parscale, is a registered foreign agent for the Government of Israel. It discloses a contract worth $9 million executed through Havas Media Group Germany GmbH, running at $1.5 million per month. It lists activities including anti-antisemitism campaigns, AI-driven content generation, SEO manipulation, and integration with Salem Media Network properties.

Translation: a former president's top digital strategist is paid by a foreign government to shape American conservative opinion, and the infrastructure for doing it runs through one of the most influential media companies in the country.


Parscale was Trump's campaign manager during the 2020 election. He built the digital operation that defined modern Republican political communication: targeted ads, micro-segmented messaging, relentless social media deployment. He was known for understanding how to reach specific demographics with specific narratives through specific platforms at specific times.

In September 2025, the Israeli government hired him to do the same thing for Israel.

The initial contract was $6 million directly from Israel to Clock Tower X. A subsequent FARA filing revealed that Parscale's firm has received over $15 million total from Havas Media Network on behalf of the Israeli state. Of that money, at least $13 million was directed to Republican political firms and allied companies.

The largest recipient was Portman Road Strategies, run by longtime GOP strategist Mike Shields, which received nearly $5 million for media placement, consulting, polling, and advertising work. Shields is a former chief of staff for the Republican National Committee and a former strategist for Kevin McCarthy. Of Parscale's 18 team members at Clock Tower X, 14 are staffers at Shields's Convergence Media firm.

Another $6 million went to SparkFire Technologies, an AI chatbot company whose role in the Israeli operation was previously unknown. SparkFire uses artificial intelligence to initiate personalized text conversations with Americans, analyze their responses, store the data, and retarget them with follow-up messages. The company claims a 45 percent conversion rate on its messaging campaigns and says it can reach millions of people.

Parscale directed over $500,000 to Salem Media Representatives, a subsidiary of Salem Media Group, where he serves as chief strategy officer. Nearly half a million dollars more went to Three Tech, a software development company that shares an Ohio office with Clock Tower X and other Parscale firms receiving Israeli government money.


The architecture is deliberate. Israel's public diplomacy budget was quadrupled from $150 million in 2025 to $730 million in 2026. The country faces a collapsing approval problem: according to a Pew Research poll from March 2026, 57 percent of Republicans aged 18 to 49 hold an unfavorable opinion of Israel.

Parscale's operation targets exactly that demographic. The AI chatbots approach Americans under the guise of fictional peace organizations. They send links to pro-Israel websites and videos created by Parscale's team. Those same websites are designed to be scraped by AI platforms like ChatGPT and Claude, seeding the narrative further into automated information ecosystems.

A legal disclaimer on Parscale's websites notes they were created on behalf of the Israeli government. To find it, a user would need to ask their chatbot for sources, click through to the website, and scroll to the bottom of the page.

One of Parscale's team members working on the Israel contract, Ashley Evdokimo, registered as a foreign agent for Israel in October 2025. Her LinkedIn profile shows she also took a position at Salem Media Group that same September, becoming the company's vice president for communications. She works with Parscale at his digital strategy company Campaign Nucleus and at Salem simultaneously.

The FARA filing explicitly references "integration with Salem Media Network properties" as part of the contracted activities. This is not inference or speculation. It is stated in the government filing itself.


Salem Media Group operates 101 radio stations and digital properties including Townhall.com and RedState. Its broadcast roster includes Dennis Prager, Larry Elder, Hugh Hewitt, Lara Trump, Dinesh D'Souza, Sebastian Gorka, Josh Hammer, Todd Starnes, and Brandon Tatum. The network's former roster included Charlie Kirk before his assassination in September 2025.

None of these broadcasts carry a disclosure that the company's chief strategy officer is a registered foreign agent for the Government of Israel. None of Salem's listeners are told that their programming infrastructure has been identified in a FARA filing as part of an Israeli government influence operation.

Americans for Transparency, a nonprofit that tracks foreign agent registrations, has not identified any public communication from Salem Media Group acknowledging Parscale's FARA registration. Under 22 USC 614(b), agents of foreign principals must conspicuously disclose their status in any public communication transmitted through the mails or interstate commerce. When a registered foreign agent serves as CSO of a media company and the contract explicitly includes integration with that company's network, the legal question becomes whether every piece of content influenced by Parscale's strategic direction carries the required disclosure.

Salem Media Group has not responded to questions about this. Neither have any of the firms receiving Israeli government money through Parscale's operation.


The billionaire Tim Dunn connection deepens the web. Dunn, an evangelical preacher and oil tycoon who has spent tens of millions pushing Texas toward what he describes as Christian governance, co-founded Jackson Parker with Parscale in early 2025. The company shares an Ohio office with Clock Tower X and other firms receiving Israeli government money.

Dunn's Hexagon Foundation gave $70 million to WaterStone, a Colorado-based nonprofit that recently announced it would acquire the remaining shares of Salem Media Group at a 250 percent premium, taking the company private. Dunn chairs the Christian Advisory Board of the Israel Allies Foundation and once told a Jewish Republican Texas House speaker that only Christians should hold leadership positions in the statehouse.

The job listing from Jackson Parker for a director of strategic communications includes maintaining compliance with FARA as one of its requirements. The person writing it knew exactly what regulatory framework they were operating under.


Israel's spending on American influence is not unprecedented. What is new is the sophistication and the channel: AI chatbots that simulate empathy, websites designed to be consumed by other AIs, a foreign agent embedded in the executive suite of a major media company, millions flowing through Republican political firms that share staff with the foreign operation.

The man who figured out how to sell Trump to America now sells Israel to Trump's voters. He does it with artificial intelligence and shell companies and a contract filed with the Department of Justice that nobody listening to Dennis Prager has ever seen.

The question is not whether this was disclosed. The question is why anyone expected it would be.